Skip to content

Why a bill doesn’t become law

When I read this article this morning, it struck me that it is in many ways emblematic of what is so wrong with the country at the moment:

Colleges would be barred from spending taxpayer money on advertising, marketing, and recruiting under a Senate bill that targets for-profit institutions.

The 15 largest for-profits, including Apollo Group’s University of Phoenix, spent a combined $3.7 billion, or 23 percent of their fiscal 2009 budgets, on advertising, marketing and recruiting, according to a summary of the bill, proposed by Democratic senators Tom Harkin of Iowa and Kay Hagan of North Carolina. Nonprofit colleges spend an average of 0.5 percent of revenue on marketing, the lawmakers said.

Now, there are two things about this proposal that are immediately clear. First, no one in their right mind, except the people who run these for-profit “schools”; could be against it. Second, there is not a chance in the world that it will become law.

First, lets remind ourselves of the business plan of these for-profits. They aggressively recruit students, almost all of whom they induce to take out federally guaranteed student loans. So long as the “student” stays on the hook for a few weeks, the money is secured to the school, which then is perfectly happy to see the “student” drop out, now burdened by debt with an education that adds little or nothing to his or her ability to earn a living or his or her ability to reason. The situation is not much different for those who manage to graduate, except the debt is bigger. We the taxpayers end up footing the bill and get nothing in return for our investment. The for-profit education industry has proven conclusively that the profit motive and an educational mission are not compatible.

So, from the point of view of us humble taxpayers, anything that diminishes the amount of our misspent dollars that goes to these people is a good idea, not to mention that this particular bill might make it more difficult for these schools to destroy the lives of the gullible people that believe their hype.

But it happens that there are a couple of things about this industry that complement the Republican business plan, which is why this bill will never become law.

  • The Republicans fervently believe in looting the federal treasury in order to enrich private individuals, who return a relatively small portion (but still huge in the aggregate) amount of that money to their Republicans enablers in the form of campaign donations and other bribes. This bill would interfere with that.
  • Republicans believe that an uneducated America is a Republican America. This is one of the reasons they so fervently believe in cutting spending on education, legislating the teaching of myth as history and science, and handing even our primary schools over to the tender mercies of corporations. The resulting ignorance and stupidity of the American people is not a bug, it’s a feature. How else can you get people to believe the garbage that people like Limbaugh spew? Maintaining the for-profit educational industry, with it’s dismal record so far as actually educating people goes, meshes perfectly with Republican interests.

So, you won’t be seeing this bill, or any like it, become law.

 

Whither Europe?

On several occasions, including yesterday, Paul Krugman has warned about the disastrous economic consequences of the European religion of austerity, which against all sound economic theory, insists that the way to fight an economic downturn is through savage budget cuts. So far, it has only brought a deepening depression. The pain has not been spread evenly, nor have the non-sinners been spared. Spain, for instance, had a very small budget deficit and is now suffering primarily because of the burst housing bubble, a bubble that was inflated by German banks, the country that is now insisting that austerity is the cure for all that ails Europe. The prescription has ramped Spain’s unemployment rate past 20%, with no signs that the medicine is likely to do any good soon. In fact, it appears to be as efficacious as bloodletting was as a cure-all some centuries back.

Krugman observes:

What is the alternative? Well, in the 1930s — an era that modern Europe is starting to replicate in ever more faithful detail — the essential condition for recovery was exit from the gold standard. The equivalent move now would be exit from the euro, and restoration of national currencies. You may say that this is inconceivable, and it would indeed be a hugely disruptive event both economically and politically. But continuing on the present course, imposing ever-harsher austerity on countries that are already suffering Depression-era unemployment, is what’s truly inconceivable.

What we’re actually seeing, however, is complete inflexibility. In March, European leaders signed a fiscal pact that in effect locks in fiscal austerity as the response to any and all problems. Meanwhile, key officials at the central bank are making a point of emphasizing the bank’s willingness to raise rates at the slightest hint of higher inflation.

So it’s hard to avoid a sense of despair. Rather than admit that they’ve been wrong, European leaders seem determined to drive their economy — and their society — off a cliff. And the whole world will pay the price.

The economic effects will be bad enough, but I haven’t seen much discussion of the political effects, which might be a whole lot worse. We tend to forget that, particularly along the Southern periphery, [seemingly] stable democratic states are a recent innovation, and there’s no reason to believe they can survive economic hard times induced by foreign governments and foreign banks. It’s an open invitation to a demagogue.

I’m currently reading Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century by Mark Mazower. He makes the point that, subsequent to World War I, and particularly during the world wide depression that followed it, parliamentary democracy was in a fairly bad odor in many European countries. It appeared, for various reasons, to be unable to address critical economic problems, and there was a lot of political and intellectual support for authoritarian nationalistic systems to replace it. As Krugman points out, democratically elected governments then were doing precisely what democratically elected governments are doing now. Whether from the right or the left, democracies were subverted in a lot of countries, and it was only the victory over the Nazis, and a renewed dedication to democracy, that stemmed the tide of authoritarianism in Western Europe. According to Mazower, the democracy that prevailed did so in large part because, on both the left and the mainstream right, there was a recognition that democratic nations had to deliver the goods to their populations; that laissez faire was a prescription for disaster and that only an interventionist social democracy, with enhanced respect for human rights, would succeed. It worked, and democracy flourished in Europe after the war.

Here in the United States we have pretty much abandoned even the pretense that the government has a role in promoting equality or in delivering benefits that don’t also enrich the rich (witness the Health Care Plan, which despite any good it may do, is actually a massive transfer to the insurance companies), and we are steadily slipping into a plutocracy that maintains a façade of democracy as a means of social control. Representative democracy is a deep seated tradition here, and as long as we can be snookered into believing that it is representative and democratic, we’ll probably remain quiescent. We don’t appear likely to spawn a dictator anytime soon. Europe is now following our lead so far as priorities are concerned, but it is by no means certain that the people there will be as slow to ignite as us. There is certainly no longstanding tradition of representative democracy in Southern Europe comparable to that here.

In my own lifetime there have been dictatorships in Greece, Spain and Portugal. Just prior to my birth, Italy had Mussolini, and since then a history of precarious and often risible democratically elected governments. Berlusconni’s staying power hardly gives one a warm and fuzzy feeling about Italian immunity to demagogues. Is there any reason to believe that Greece, Spain, Portugal, or Italy, if they continue to be subjected to needless economic suffering, will suffer in silence? Given their histories, isn’t there reason to fear that, in light of democratic ineptitude, they may see an authoritarian regime of the right or the left as their only hope to wrest control of their country away from those bankers and creditor nations? Isn’t there a danger that an exit from the Euro can happen only if done by a dictator or junta, because the elected governments are unable or unwilling to do it themselves?

We would be fools to believe that stable democratic governments are an eternal norm in Europe, or even something we can count on for the near term. If the people of these countries feel they are being ground under the heel of the bankers and the rich countries, they will start listening to someone, or some group of someones who will promise an easy answer to their problems. It doesn’t help that the easy answers may also be the correct answers from an economic standpoint.

Closing the barn door, etc.

ALEC, having largely accomplished its mission of eviscerating gun laws and destroying the right of the poor, the elderly, and the black to vote, is now redirecting its efforts to its main mission of impoverishing the nation.

Will all those corporations that dropped funding now feel it’s safe to go back and support ALEC’s agenda. Stay tuned. They’re counting on you not to.

New Normal

Headline at Politico: Senate kills ‘Buffett Rule’

The Senate never voted on the rule. It was filibustered by the Republicans. That is what should be reported.

Something almost completely different

My wife and I went to North Adams, Massachusetts yesterday, and today we went to the Museum of Contemporary Art within that somewhat fair city. The museum is in an old factory building, and they’ve made good use of the space, as it allows for some fairly large installations. Most of the rooms are cavernous. Happily, so long as you don’t use a flash, picture taking is allowed, and there was ample light, albeit from sometimes harshly glaring fluorescents.

One of the exhibits, by Sanford Biggers, is called The Cartographer’s Conundrum. Precisely what that means, given the exhibit, is unclear to me, but who knows, maybe if we’d taken the tour all would have been made clear. The exhibit is in a huge room, which you enter from the rear. The whole room is depicted below. The foreground is littered with musical instruments surrounded by shards of broken mirrors.

P4144753

The far end contains what looks like a strange church. There are pews ascending into the sky, and, where the altar should be, an elevated organ with organ pipes around it seeming to shoot off to the sides.

P4144756

_______________

P4144759

I just take pictures, I don’t explain ’em. Inexplicable but interesting.

More to our tastes was the exhibition of wall drawings by Sol LeWitt. These consist of giant works mounted on walls. The space was perfect for exhibiting them, and although they were as incomprehensible in one way as the Conundrum, they were more appealing. Looking at them was just a total pleasure. Here are several, picked more or less at random.

P4144767

__________________

P4144770

______________

P4144773

This one can’t be captured adequately. When you view it the lines in the figures appear to move.

IMG 1445

______________________

P4144797

_______________

P4144798

North Adams is trying to reinvent itself, and the Arts are a large part of that reinvention. The downtown area is crammed with galleries, and there is an artists collective of sorts in another old factory building. Well worth a trip if you are anywhere close to the area. You’ll have to hurry if you want to catch the LeWitt exhibition, as it will only be there until 2033.

Friday Night Music-Early Edition

My wife and I are leaving early today for a mini-vacation, and we may, alas, be without the internet tonight.

I had intended to try to find something to post to make fun of Little Ricky’s lamentable exit from the race, or perhaps something to show my empathy for the hard time Ann Romney has had raising five kids with only 200 million dollars of ill gotten gains to back her up.

But, I couldn’t resist passing this on, which my wife passed to me, who in turn got it from Katrina vanden Heuvel of the Nation via Twitter. Try to not enjoy it.

Guess who’s pulling Coutu’s strings?

Joe Courtney, our very excellent Congressman, is going to face a tea party type in the next election. His name is Chris Coutu, and he’s a representative type. A young man on the make who is looking to ride extremism and Republican cant into political office or, lacking that, a lucrative right wing sinecure or lobbying job. He differs from most of his Republican colleagues in Connecticut only in that he’s closer to the national norm than they. I should add that, though I only work there, I feel a sense of shame that Norwich sent him to Hartford. Why Norwich would elect a Republican to any office is a mystery to me, but being from Groton, where we can’t seem to quit Republican town councils (though our state reps are now all of the one true political faith), I can’t criticize too much.

Coutu is of the new breed of Republicans that take their orders from ALEC, the right wing lobbying group that relieves its Republican lackeys from the messy job of actually drafting, or even thinking about, legislation. It just hands its minions its proposed legislation, gives them their marching orders, and off they go. We have ALEC to thank for “stand your ground” a/k/a “right to kill” laws in more than 20 states. They are also hard at work depriving people of the right to vote, right to unionize, and right to education. More here and here. If folks like Coutu had their way, we’d be blessed, here in Connecticut, with legislation that would put us right down there with Mississippi. It’s nice to know that he’ll be out of Connecticut politics come November. Good riddance.

Joe McCarthy redux

Allen West one-ups Joe McCarthy. At least McCarthy claimed to have the goods on his targets and claimed to have them written down.

Well, two can play this game. I heard that Allen West has a gay Muslim illegal immigrant lover in Washington and another one in Florida. And I truly did hear it, because I read this post out loud before I pushed the publish button.

Fraud legalized

Required reading. Just when you think you can start loving Obama again, he does something like this. (Not to excuse the many Congressional Democrats who voted for the thing just because they were afraid of the acronym, or the others who are pocketing Wall Street money.)

 

The moving middle moves again

The following tells you all you need to know about today’s media. It consists of the first two paragraphs from a column absurdly titled Common Sense, by James Stewart in the business section of the New York Times.

 

This week, President Obama called him a social Darwinist. The conservative Club for Growth criticized him for wimping out on Medicare and military spending, and Ron Paul, the libertarian Republican, blasted him for not cutting tax rates more deeply.

I figure Paul D. Ryan, the Wisconsin Republican who is head of the House Budget Committee, must be doing something right.

If there is any sense in these two paragraphs, it is of the non kind, rather than the common. It would be nonsensical in any context. There is no reason to believe that someone attacked by both “sides” on a question is therefore closer to being correct than either, or that he or she is doing “something right”. It is particulary nonsensical regarding the Ryan budget.

 

As has been demonstrated ad nauseaum, Ryan’s plan doesn’t add up even on its own terms. It is balanced only if one assumes that Ryan can find tax loopholes to close that will equal the gigantic tax breaks to the rich that Ryan proposes. Ryan himself won’t identify a single such loophole, so the depths of his dishonesty is clear. If adopted, the plan is a recipe for outsize deficits as far as the eye can see. The fact that there is a right wing group attacking him does not give his plan an ounce of credibility; it merely means that there are groups on the right fulfilling their historic role: pushing the Republican party ever farther to the right and in the process, by the way, providing the cover that they know people like Stewart will deliver. As to the Social Darwinist remark, it is absolutely accurate. If Ryan’s proposal became law, and were implemented as he suggests it would be, all programs designed to help the poor and middle class would be eliminated.

 

The fact that Obama is “on the left”, a statement most of us lefties consider to be a joke, does not mean that his criticisms were invalid. They were not. They were accurate. As the math shows, Ryan’s budget would result in the extinguishment of the federal government, except for defense, health care, and social security by 2050. Obama’s statements regarding Ryan’s budget were objectively true. His characterization of the plan as Social Darwinism is accurate. The fact that Ryan is under attack from the “left” and the right does not make his plan any more credible. Stewart’s opening paragraphs do, however, perfectly encapsulate the attitude of our modern media. It matters not where the truth actually lies, for today’s media it lies at a midpoint between two media defined extremes, the right extreme being as far right as one can imagine, the left extreme being so close to the right that a common sense notion like single payer is not even on the continuum.

UPDATE: Methinks Paul Krugman may be referring to Stewart (Brooks and Douthat, too) in this post, discussing Ryan’s defenders, though he’s too polite to publicly name or shame fellow Timesmen:

What’s going on here? The defenders of Ryan come, I’d argue, in two types.

One type is the pseudo-reasonable apparatchik. There are a fair number of pundits who make a big show of debating the issues, stroking their chins, and then — invariably — find a way to support whatever the GOP line may be. There’s no mystery in their support for Ryan.

The other type is more interesting: the professional centrist. These are people whose whole pose is one of standing between the extremes of both parties, and calling for a bipartisan solution. The problem they face is how to maintain this pose when the reality is that a quite moderate Democratic party — one that is content to leave tax rates on the rich far below those that prevailed for most of the past 70 years, that has embraced a Republican health care plan — faces a radical-reactionary GOP.

What these people need is reasonable Republicans. And if such creatures don’t exist, they have to invent them. Hence the elevation of Ryan — who is, in fact, a garden-variety GOP extremist, but with a mild-mannered style — to icon of fiscal responsibility and honest argument, despite the reality that his proposals are both fiscally irresponsible and quite dishonest.

UPDATE 2: Since Obama is routinely attacked from both the left (see, e.g., his failure to support single payer) and the right (see, e.g., everything he does) why don’t the pundits draw the conclusion that he must be “doing something right” instead of the more common conclusion that the left is irrelevant and he’s being insufficiently bipartisan by not caving to the right?

 

UPDATE 3: Everyone is piling on. See here and here, and these are only examples. I may not be the best, but I think I got there first.