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Very Sad

My wife and I baled on the Courant about six months ago, but I still have a soft spot in my heart for the nation’s oldest newspaper. It’s unfortunate, but that title will probably soon be passed on to some other paper. Today, the Courant announced another 150 layoffs, including 30 in the newsroom.

It’s hard not to see this as part of the death spiral.

Had the Courant stayed locally owned, might things have been different? Had the LA Times Company not been acquired by Sam Zell, might things have been different. I have little good to say about Rupert Murdoch, but at least he’s a newspaperman, who cares about his newspapers. It’s not at all clear what Zell was looking to do, but besides himself he’s managed to destroy a fair number of newspapers.


Coming Events

Gubernatorial politics are heating up. This Thursday the Groton Democratic Town Committee holds is monthly meeting at the Town Hall Annex. The meeting starts at 7:00, and at 7:30 Jim Amann will be there to try to get us to sign on to his delusional quest for the governorship. It’s at times like this that I wish I paid more attention to statewide politics. I’m really not sure what substantive questions I’d like to ask him. I do intend to take the opportunity to remind him that there are many among us who will neither forgive or forget his sins of 2006. Of course, on the merits he’d be a terrible governor. A hack of the highest order.

More importantly, our local State Central Committee member, Scott Bates, is organizing a gubernatorial candidates forum to be held at the Groton Municipal Building on March 14th, at 10:00 AM. Amann, Malloy and Wyman have agreed to attend. Scott is still waiting to hear from Bysiewicz. Hopefully, Susan will come, so we’ll have the opportunity to hear from three serious candidates. I’ll post again on this as the day approaches, because we do want to have a good turnout.


Corporate America at its best

Via Americablog:

I don’t practice in the worker’s comp area, but what little I know leads me to believe this would not be even a close call in Connecticut. I doubt that it will be a close call even in Arkansas.

Why do they do this? They have nothing to lose. Their potential losses are capped by a statutory formula, and they don’t have to worry about the ire of a jury or a judge, unless Arkansas law happens to allow for some sort of enhanced damages for bad faith, which I doubt. Any settlement at less that the statutory maximum is a win for them.

This is the paradise that awaits us when the right wing achieves its goal of outlawing personal injury and products liability cases.


60 votes

One disadvantage to being a reality based type of blog, is that you are under a certain obligation to admit that you are wrong. So today, I must admit that I have been wrong on a regular basis about something.

I have, on a number of occasions, bemoaned the fact that Harry Reid has passively accepted the idea that it takes 60 votes to pass anything in the Senate, and that he has never forced the Republicans to actually filibuster. It turns out that theactual filibuster, the round the clock talking, the reading phone books, etc., may not exist:

Reid’s office has studied the history of the filibuster and analyzed what options are available. The resulting memo was provided to the Huffington Post and it concludes that a filibustering Senator “can be forced to sit on the [Senate] floor to keep us from voting on that legislation for a finite period of time according to existing rules but he/she can’t be forced to keep talking for an indefinite period of time.”

As both Reid’s memo and Dove explain, only one Republican would need to monitor the Senate floor. If the majority party tried to move to a vote, he could simply say, “I suggest the absence of a quorum.”

The presiding officer would then be required to call the roll. When that finished, the Senator could again notice the absence of a quorum and start the process all over. At no point would the obstructing Republican be required to defend his position, read from the phone book or any of the other things people associate with the Hollywood version of a filibuster.

This, apparently, is a result of a rule change in 1917, which provided for cloture votes. Prior to 1917 a few determined Senators could forestall legislation indefinitely.

When the Republicans were in charge, they were poised to exercise the “nuclear option” and declare the filibuster, as it related to judicial appointments, unconstitutional. They felt they could do it by a parliamentary ruling. The Democrats responded to the threat: they preserved the filibuster by basically promising not to use it, which essentially preserved it for the Republicans.

The “nuclear option” at that time, applied only to judicial nominations. The theory, it seems to me, could easily be extended to all legislation. Indeed, in light of the fact that the Senate rules essentially give veto power to a minority, one must wonder whether there are some constitutional questions raised here. Could a majority of 51 pass a rule requiring 100 votes to invoke cloture, effectively requiring unanimous consent for all legislation? Is the majority principle sufficiently enshrined in the constitution to warrant some protection? My guess is that it’s not. There is nothing in the Constitution that states that a majority vote is sufficient to pass legislation, and there is something that allows each House to “determine the Rules of its Proceedings”.

But, as the Republicans showed, there is more than one way to skin a cat. If the Democrats opted to “go nuclear” with regard to the legislative filibuster, there might not be much the Republicans could do about it, just as the Democrats might have been helpless when they were in the minority. The courts, assuming they were intellectually honest, could not get involved in the internal operations of the Senate.

In any event, it looks like making the Republicans stand up and talk is not a viable option. That doesn’t let Reid completely off the hook. Where there’s a will, there’s a way, and there has to be a way to make the cost of obstruction heavy enough that the filibuster once again becomes a rarely used tool. Denying the offender earmarks might be a good place to start.

Update: Another take, from Ari Melber, at the Nation:

When I worked as a legislative aide in the U.S. Senate in 2002 and 2003, both parties used “holds” and filibuster threats all the time. By mutual agreement, however, these filibuster threats operate out of the public’s view. So senators — even a single one — can threaten to stall the entire chamber’s proceedings, while avoiding the cost of any public criticism for their maneuver.

Forcing senators to actually filibuster on the floor would increase public information and scrutiny of this practice. It would almost certainly reduce some of the recent abuse. It really doesn’t matter much whether senators talk the whole time, or ask for quorums, or play sudoku. Yes, movie filibustersmay be full of dramatic sermons. But if the Republicans were forced into even a silent filibuster, spending weeks thwarting up-or-down votes on the country’s economic agenda, the public would surely notice. Especially if Sen. Reid criticized them for it — instead of writing memos defending the status quo.


Partisanship

Sunday is becoming prime rant day. Today, as so often in the past, I must take exception to a “balanced, pox on both their houses” article by Sheryl Gay Stolberg of New York Times.

The current trope is that Washington has become more partisan in the past 20 years. It may very well be true that, since so many house districts have been gerrymandered into safe status, the ideological difference between the typical members of Congress has widened. But when one talks about raw partisan behavior, including the take no prisoners obstructionism exhibited by the Republicans, there is simply no comparison between the parties.

It’s likely the case that Bush was warmly and rightly detested by the majority of Democrats. There is simply nothing in the historical record to compare with the Republican record compiled in just the last four weeks, and for which the pattern has now been set for the next four years. Unanimous opposition in the House, rigidly enforced. Promises of filibusters in the Senate, on everything.

What’s laughable about Stolberg’s article is that she attributes this opposition, apparently without irony, to ideological principles:

…[I]n the partisan politics of recent decades, another view developed, advanced by Congressional leaders like Newt Gingrich, the former House speaker, that the minority party has the right, even obligation, to stick to its ideological principles

That would be the ideological principle against deficits, in case you were wondering. The one they stuck to with such fidelity when they were running things.

Then we have the token example of Democratic perfidy:

Republicans haven’t cornered the market for blocking presidential initiatives. Democrats were so successful at filibustering Mr. Bush’s judicial nominees that their Senate leader,Tom Daschle, was labeled “an obstructionist” and lost his seat in 2004.

A little deconstruction is in order. First, labeling someone an obstructionist does not make him so, and this article is purportedly about real obstructionism, not ginned up but baseless charges. Second, a judicial nomination is not a presidential initiative. Third, the “successful” Democrats blocked 10 out of 229 Bush first term nominations, hardly a huge number, and quite comparable to the Republican record in the last Clinton term. More importantly, it is well nigh impossible to come up with an instance of the Democrats blocking any Bush legislative initiative by using the filibuster. Would that they had in many instances. The Constitution might not be damaged, perhaps beyond repair, if they had. In fact, the record is pretty clear on Bush initiatives. Most of them passed pretty much as Bush wanted them, right up until the end, even while his numbers were only slightly ahead of Osama bin Laden’s.

One can argue about whether or not the Republicans are justified or not in adopting the strategy they have, but one can not argue that this behavior is symmetric. It simply isn’t. There are a lot of reasons for this. The Democrats are far more ideologically diverse. Rahm Emmanuel’s contingent of Blue Dog Democrats guarantees that. The Democrats in the Senate have had two recent leaders from Republican leaning states, both of whom have had to keep a wary eye out for their own re-election prospects while supposedly leading their party. (Republicans would never thing of giving such power to a Senator who had to worry about a substantial left leaning constituency.) Thus Harry Reid’s passive insistence that it takes 60 votes to pass anything in a Democratically controlled Senate, while 51 votes always did quite nicely while he led the minority. And there, once again, is the rub. Until the Democrats break the back of the filibuster, by forcing the Republicans to endure public scorn for utilizing it, they will be unable to govern effectively.

An added observation: It’s important to bear in mind that there is a world of difference between voting against a presidential initiative, and preventing a vote on that initiative. Bush, who promised to be a uniter, was never held to that promise and governed as a divider. His legislation came to a vote under both Democratic and Republican Senate Majorities. Obama is being held to account for failing to convert an obstreperousRepublican minority that announces opposition to his plans before they are announced, and who are prepared, in the Senate, to block votes on any legislation Arlen Specter, Olympia Snowe, and/or Susan Collins don’t like.


Jersey Boys

My wife and I, along with my sister and one of her friends, went to see Jersey Boys at the Bushnell in Hartford.

Unsurprisingly, the youngest people in the theater by far were the folks on the stage. For those who don’t know, Jersey Boys is a musical based on the career of the Four Seasons. For people of a certain age, the play is a sure fire draw, since the music is both familiar and great.

Our memories get distorted as they recede farther in the rear view mirror. I think of the Four Seasons as being primarily a pre-Beatles phenomenon, though I do remember clearly that what I consider their best song, December, 1963, came along quite a bit later. In reality, in one form or another, they endured into the early 70s, and put out quality music throughout that period. The members of the group never acquired distinct public identities as far as I know. Everyone could name the Beatles, and lots of folks could identify each Stone, Byrd, etc., but I doubt that many could name each Season, and if their travails were documented in the pages of Rolling Stone, I was never aware of it.

Turns out their relations were, if anything, stormier than those of that more famous British quartet. Getting mixed up with the mob will have that effect, I guess. The show is leaving soon, so this review is rather late, but I give it two thumbs up, which is all the thumbs I have.

Here’s the real thing, by the way, with a medley on the old Hulabaloo. Videos of the original Four Seasons are hard to find; Valli has apparently been backed by a succession of Seasons since the originals broke off.


A Building occupied at NYU

Yesterday my wife took advantage of her weekly furlough day to visit Son #2 in New York. She met him around lunchtime. Turns out he was fresh from occupying a building at NYU, which the authorities appear to have re-taken shortly after he exited to keep his date with his Mom. The tactics were oddly reminiscent of a dim and distant era, though the non-negotiable demands were not:

The N.Y.U. students created a Web site (takebacknyu.com) where they published their demands, including thorough annual reporting of the university’s operating budget, expenditures and endowment. They also want the university to provide 13 scholarships a year to students from the Gaza Strip and give surplus supplies to the Islamic University of Gaza.

The students also called on the school to allow graduate teaching assistants to unionize and to freeze tuition.

One caveat: the demand is not that tuition be frozen, but that increases not apply to students currently attending, i.e., that the tuition you pay as a senior will be the same you paid as a freshman. As things stand now a freshman paying almost $50,000.00 a year might find his or her tuition increased by 10-20% a year, imposing a tremendous and unpredictable financial burden. The real cost of a private college education, adjusted for inflation, has skyrocketed and is rapidly exceeding the grasp of all but the most affluent.

I won’t say who might have been pushing for the graduate student demand, except to note that my son, a grad student, is a seasoned union hand. The grad students were previously unionized, until their right to do so was rescinded by the Bush NLRB. (Just another example, Mr. Nader, of how there was a substantial difference between Bush and Gore, and another reason we can be thankful for Obama. The NLRB has been virulently anti-worker since Bush gained a majority of its five members). As soon as it legally could, the school refused to deal with the union.

The other demands, which can be found at the link in the quote, are actually quite reasonable. Some might regard the entire process of “issuing demands” as a quaint, archaic relic of a bygone era. But as Frederick Douglass said, Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will. Here’s hoping this is the opening act in a new era of activism.

Needless to say we did not greet the news of our own son’s participation in this incident with delight. It’s all very well for other people’s kids to put their necks on the line, but we’d much prefer our little boy keep his head down and neck safe. For the life of me I can’t figure out where he got the political views that lead him to do these things.

Here’s some video. What I find interesting is that the cops holding back, and using nightsticks on, the protestors, look most uncomfortable when the kids drop the profanity and start chanting “Shame on You”. That’s a tactic we never tried in the 60s, so far as I know, but in my opinion, it’s brilliant.

I blame all this on Obama. My son told my wife that there’s a new optimism in the air. People are beginning to think they can actually change things. Who knows, Obama may have released forces even he can’t control. There’s a word for it. Rhymes with “pope”.


Friday Night Music-The Ronettes

The obvious choice this week, since Estelle Bennett, Ronnie’s sister, died this week. There are actually several versions of Be My Baby on youtube, but I had to spend a deal of time trying to find one that at least looked like it was an un-lip-synched version. If this one was lip-synched, they did such a good job that they deserve a pass.

And just this once, I’m going to make an exception, and play a video that consists just of pictures plus music, because the stereo sound quality is so good. And, so far as I could see, there are no moving picture videos of the Ronettes’ Walking in the Rain.


Truly Tasteless

But funny.


Simmons to take on Dodd?

Rob Simmons is talking himself up as a challenger to Chris Dodd. Given the dismal state of the Republican Party in Connecticut he’s a logical choice. The idea that he could run as an ecomonic populist, which is the kind of stuff he’s spouting, strikes anyone with knowledge as absurd, but just remember, Joe Lieberman ultimately did win by running as the candidate of the low information voter. I’m not as sanguine as the various commenters at the Swing State Project, who are sure that Dodd would easily beat Simmons.

There is something eerily familiar about the prospect of a Simmons-Dodd matchup. I don’t think it’s a stretch to say that in 2000 the only credible Democrat that Simmons could have beaten was Sam Gejdenson, the person against whom he had the luck to run. I thought Sam was a great Congressman, but the fact is that by 2000 he was a burnt out case, perceived as being distant from his district, and sort of going through the motions in that last campaign. Had he decided that 20 years was enough, and stepped aside, Simmons would have lost.

Dodd may be the Sam Gejdenson of 2010. He’s gotten soft and distant from the state. He’s vulnerable on the bank issue. He hasn’t helped himself by weaving and bobbing on the mortgage question. It seems hard to fathom that the economic issue might be one that the Republicans can capitalize on in 2010, but don’t be so sure.

In November of 2010 the voters will have had two years of relentless Republican criticism of everything the Democrats do to try to repair the wreckage. All of their complaints will be echoed relentlessly in the media. Consider, for instance, that in some corners Obama is being painted as a failure because he isn’t being “bi-partisan” enough, while Bush, who ran on the same promise and never even tried to keep it, was never judged by that yardstick. In two years we will still be in tough economic straits, in large part because it is politically impossible to get effective legislation past the Republicans. But that won’t matter, because they may very well be able to have it both ways. Life is never that bad when you own the media.

It may not, and probably won’t be, enough to get them into the majority. But it might be enough in some places to turn a race toward a Republican running against a Democratic friend of the bankers. If Dodd wants to keep his seat he will, hopefully, recognize that he is really threatened, and start cultivating the home folks. The cap on executive compensation was a good start. If he doesn’t have the fire in his belly to act like this is his first campaign, then he should consider stepping aside, and let Blumenthal crush Simmons.