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Bill Maher on health care, etc.

Gliding toward the holiday, feeling a bit lazy. Bill Maher’s latest rules.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LxG6VFdwdM0[/youtube]

Yet more proof that only comedians can tell the truth about the state of this country.

Reagan, Republicans and race

Over the course of the last few weeks Paul Krugman and David Brooks, both columnists for the New York Times, have been trading blows about Ronald Reagan. The general charge is that Reagan made coded appeals to white racism as part of his campaign strategy, consistent with the overall Republican electoral stategy since 1968. The specific charge is that Reagan kicked off his 1980 campaign in Philadelphia, Mississippi to send exactly that same message. Philadelphia was the town that killed 3 civil rights workers in the 60s, and Reagan’s speech touted his own belief in “states rights”.

Krugman started it by writing a column about the Republican raced based strategy, noting the Philadelphia speech as a case in point. Brooks responded by claiming that the speech was not a calculated part of any race based strategy and that anyway, Reagan didn’t open his campaign in Philadelphia and that basically, it was all just a big, but innocent, mistake. Krugman responded on his blog, pointing out quite effectively that Reagan had managed to make the same type of mistake over and over again.

Now comes Lou Cannon, Reagan’s many times biographer, into the breach. According to him, the charge is as follows:

Political mythologies endure. One myth that is enjoying a revival in a year when Republican presidential candidates are comparing themselves to Ronald Reagan, their iconic hero, is the notion that Mr. Reagan defeated President Jimmy Carter in 1980 by a coded appeal to white-supremacist voters.

This is in fact, not the charge that has been made, but we will let this pass for the moment. Cannon goes on to disprove the alleged charge by establishing, to his satisfaction at least, that:

1. Ronald Reagan was not a rascist. This fact is proven because Reagan had a black friend with whom he formed a bond back when he was a liberal. His stands against civil rights laws were merely principled constitutional stands having nothing to do with race.

2. The appeal to race didn’t work. This fact is merely asserted.

In some ways Cannon reminds me of the “moderate” who believes that, by definition, the truth must lie somewhere between the views of the left and the right. If it doesn’t, then one should fall back on non sequiturs.

Neither Krugman or any other responsible person that raises this issue has charged that Reagan was a racist. Reagan’s personal feelings on race are besides the point. The charge is that he, consistent with the Republican party’s overall strategy, sought to exploit and exacerbate racial tension to win votes. Even Brooks understands the nature of the argument. If Reagan wasn’t a racist then his actions were even more shameful, because even more cynical.

Nor does the argument made by Krugman include or depend on the claim that the Philadelphia speech succeeded in its objective. Whether Reagan was a net winner or loser by making that speech (and he did win Mississippi, after all) is also beside the point. While we punish them differently, there is little moral distinction between murder and attempted murder. There is just as little between trying to win votes by appeals to racism and actually doing so. If the Philadelphia speech was not a winner for Reagan, the overall strategy certainly was. As Krugman points out in his blog, the speech was only one of many instances of Reagan’s use of coded appeals to racists. He would not have continued the practice if he didn’t think it was working.

We must give Brooks points for, at least, dealing with the issue at hand. True to form he was disingenuous about it, but he accurately characterized the issue. Cannon eludes it and attempts to deflect it by asserting (certainly not proving) two propositions that are essentially unrelated to the core charge.

This is not just ancient history. The Republican candidates continue to rely on coded messages to various groups, whose common trait is intolerance of one sort or another. I don’t know if Giuliani is a racist. He probably has black acquaintances too. Whatever his personal feelings, Giuliani is crafting a race based strategy reminiscent of Reagan, et. al., and the candidates are falling all over each other to endorse various forms of religious intolerance. The fact that one or more of them may think that these people are actually yahoos is beside the point. They are currying favor with them to win, and implicit in that is a pledge to deliver for them down the road. It is beginning to look like these appeals to bigotry are losing their effectiveness, one of the few glimmers of hope we have in what is otherwise a rather bleak political scene. The Republicans have not given up, however. Hence their attempts to one up one another to prove their bona fides with the hate groups.

Speaking of columns in the New York Times, Tom Friedman proved he has learned nothing from the past 5 years and is ably skewered here.

Joe Courtney speaks out on contempt charges

The Hill reports on the attitude of House freshmen on the Miers/Bolton contempt issue:

Despite their skittishness on other signature Democratic issues, most of the Democrats’ “Frontline” members wholeheartedly back sanctions against the White House for rebuffing the House Judiciary Committee in its investigation of the U.S. attorney scandal.

“At some point, the process has no credibility if people aren’t willing to testify,” said Rep. Joe Courtney (D-Conn.), who beat a Republican incumbent in 2006 by less than 100 votes.

I don’t think it’s fair to lump Joe in with the other freshmen, despite his small margin of victory. At this point, it’s hard to see that he’s endangered, or that a contempt vote against these Bush cronies would be unpopular in his district. More importantly, he wasn’t recruited by Rahm Emanuel, who made a point of recruiting the most conservative candidates he could find, many of whom went on to lose in the general election. Those that got swept in are now millstones around the neck of the Democratic party, a brand new crop of Democrats in Name Only, most of whom had vanished when the Republicans took control. That was the silver lining on that massive cloud, but Emanuel has diligently sought to undermine the party. (He’s now asking the Democrats to turn right on immigration, practically pushing Hispanic voters back to the Republicans, who they have deserted in droves).

But back to the subject, good for Joe for standing firm on this issue.

Buddy Holly

Reaching way back. With Thanksgiving approaching I thought to put Arlo up, but the only versions on Youtube can’t be embedded. So here’s Buddy

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pribHw93OPc&feature=related[/youtube]

Krugman spreads the word

I am second to no one in my admiration for Paul Krugman, the almost lone voice of reason among the elite punditry. But as someone who, each day, tries to think of something fairly original to say to differentiate myself from the thousands of other blogging types, I must say that Krugman has it easy. Consider this morning’s column, Played for a Sucker, in which Krugman observes:

Inside the Beltway, doomsaying about Social Security — declaring that the program as we know it can’t survive the onslaught of retiring baby boomers — is regarded as a sort of badge of seriousness, a way of showing how statesmanlike and tough-minded you are.

Consider, for example, this exchange about Social Security between Chris Matthews of MSNBC and Tim Russert of NBC, on a recent edition of Mr. Matthews’s program “Hardball.”

Mr. Russert: “Everyone knows Social Security, as it’s constructed, is not going to be in the same place it’s going to be for the next generation, Democrats, Republicans, liberals, conservatives.”

Mr. Matthews: “It’s a bad Ponzi scheme, at this point.”

Mr. Russert: “Yes.”

But the “everyone” who knows that Social Security is doomed doesn’t include anyone who actually understands the numbers. In fact, the whole Beltway obsession with the fiscal burden of an aging population is misguided.

How has conventional wisdom gotten this so wrong? Well, in large part it’s the result of decades of scare-mongering about Social Security’s future from conservative ideologues, whose ultimate goal is to undermine the program.

Social Security isn’t a big problem that demands a solution; it’s a small problem, way down the list of major issues facing America, that has nonetheless become an obsession of Beltway insiders. And on Social Security, as on many other issues, what Washington means by bipartisanship is mainly that everyone should come together to give conservatives what they want.

Krugman has the luxury of reading the blogs, absorbing what is conventional wisdom, almost cliches, thereon, and regurgitating it to an audience for whom it represents a new and piercing insight. This column appeared today, Friday. The stuff about Russert and Matthews was so Monday to us internet junkies, and the remark about beltway “seriousness” is standard fare.

By no means am I disparaging Krugman. He is doing yeoman service. These are ideas that need to be put before a wider public, not to mention into the faces of the beltway media. We can all be thankful that the Editors of the Times hired the man, a move they might now regret. Still, I have more than once felt quite sure that he has recycled his internet reading, an option foreclosed to those of us who are writing for an audience that is not otherwise fed a diet of beltway wisdom. In any event, he has a way with words, and has become something of an expert in distilling a lot of substance into the few paragraphs with which he has to work. I’m looking forward to reading his book, which is sitting upstairs in my Christmas stack.

Kerry issues a challenge

Good for John Kerry:

Sen. John Kerry, whose 2004 presidential campaign was torpedoed by critics of his Vietnam War record, said Friday he has personally accepted a Texas oilman’s offer to pay $1 million to anyone who can disprove even a single charge of the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth.

Kerry said he would donate any proceeds to the Paralyzed Veterans of America.

In his letter to Pickens, the senator challenged the billionaire’s honor.

“I trust that you are a man of your word, having made a very public challenge at a major Washington dinner, and look forward to taking you up on this challenge,” Kerry wrote

In a letter to T. Boone Pickens, the Massachusetts Democrat wrote: “While I am prepared to show they lied on allegation after allegation, you have generously offered to pay one million dollars for just one thing that can be proven false. I am prepared to prove the lie beyond any reasonable doubt.”

The concept of honor has become somewhat antiquated. There was a time when “gentlemen” were overly concerned about their honor, and had a rather odd sense of what the word meant. In the early years of the Republic politics was, if anything, nastier than it is today, but there were certain matters that would leave them no choice but to spill each other’s blood in duels.

Nowadays, no one seems to care if they are, or are even perceived to be, honorable. Kerry is proposing the civilized equivalent of a duel, and is even giving T. Boone the advantage, but don’t hold your breath waiting for Pickens to pick up the guantlet. I think it’s fair to say that T. Boone will find a way to deflect Kerry.

Update: Well that was quick:

Rich Texas bastard T. Boone Pickens boasted that he would give $1 million to anyone who can disprove “even a single charge” leveled by the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, who he funded to the tune of $3 milion. Kerry offered to meet with Pickens and do so, with the million dollars going to veterans’ charities.
But now Pickens is reneging:

Pickens, who provided $3 million to bankroll the group during Kerry’s race against President Bush, responded by saying he won’t consider giving Kerry the reward unless he surrenders his combat films, additional military records and wartime journal.

In other words, Pickens was full of bravado when he made the offer in a keynote address in front of a bunch of friendly right wingers at an American Spectator dinner, but when Kerry took him up on it, he was a bit too cowardly to back it up:

No honor. No surprise.

What a difference a few days makes

On the 13th, Harry Reid said that Democrats won’t approve more money for the Iraq war this year unless President Bush agrees to begin bringing troops home.

Today, they took a vote, and the bill lost, 53 in favor and 47 against, because of course Harry Reid would never think of forcing the Republicans to actually filibuster. (Democrats unable to bring troops home):

Frustrated by Republican roadblocks, Democrats now plan to sit on President Bush’s $196 billion request for war spending until next year — pushing the Pentagon toward an accounting nightmare and deepening their conflict with the White House on the war.

Now, Democratic leaders say they won’t send President Bush a war spending bill this year. They calculate the military has enough money to run through mid-February.

When will the Democrats learn that you don’t play chicken if everyone knows you’ll be the first to chicken out. Now they are practically announcing that they will wait until next year to cave. Do they really think Bush cares? He knows he’ll get his money, along with another blank check.

In the real world, when someone is frustrated by a road block, the only effective response is to get rid of the road block. That sort of thing never occurs to the Democrats.

No telecom immunity for the moment

The Democrats in the Judiciary Committee have sent a FISA bill to the floor without telecom immunity. Details are a little unclear. It looks like after a series of machinations, which included a vote in which the Democrats failed to strip the provision from the bill, it somehow got sent to the floor without the provision (no I don’t understand this either), where proponents will have to add it back in as a stand alone amendment. That means there will, if it survives a filibuster (if the Democrats have the guts to mount one) be an up or down vote on what Arlen Specter now wants to turn into a giveaway, where we taxpayers would indemnify the telecoms for spying on us. So it will be impossible for the Republicans to claim that the vote is about protecting the American people from terrorists. Okay, they’ll do it anyway, but even the media might have a hard time swallowing that line. Okay, no it won’t, but the American people probably won’t fall for it.

Apparently, Harry Reid has the option of bringing up the bill that came out of the Intelligence Committee, which includes a telecom immunity provision. He has indicated through a spokesman that he’s not inclined to do that, but who knows.

In any event, and for now at least, the Democrats appear to have done something right.

(This post was written on the 15th, but I must have forgotten to push the “publish” button).

One more reason why Congress is held in contempt

Time to confess to error. A while back I reported that the Congress had filed contempt charges against Harriet Meiers and Joshua Bolton. I erred. In fact, the Judiciary Committee had merely filed the charge with the full House. I was wrong about something else:

A criminal contempt charge must be enforced by a U.S. Attorney. Bush has already mandated that this will not take place. The charges will languish, and Congress will do nothing.

I was wrong about this because Congress is not going to give Bush the chance to demonstrate its impotence. The leadership has decided to take the bull by the horns and demonstrate that fact all on its own:

House Democrats have postponed a vote until December on contempt resolutions against White House chief of staff Josh Bolten and former White House counsel Harriet Miers, delaying for now any constitutional showdown with the White House over the president’s power to resist congressional subpoenas.

Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.) has been pushing for the contempt vote, arguing that the White House must be held accountable for ignoring subpoenas issued by his panel as part of the U.S. attorney firing scandal. Other top Democrats, including Caucus Chairman Rahm Emanuel (Ill.), have argued that the House should put off that fight while debates over Iraq funding and electronic eavesdropping dominate the floor. The contempt vote had been tentatively scheduled for Friday before Majority Leader Steny H. Hoyer (D-Md.) informed his colleagues that it was being delayed.

There will, of course, always be something more pressing than establishing that Congress is a co-equal branch. After all, when you are up against the most unpopular president in American history, you have to be careful. There is no reason to try to rein in an abuse of power of one sort while trying to limit other abuses of power. You might reinforce your own message and no Democrat would want to do that.

Maybe the strategy is to wait until we get a Democratic president, who won’t stand in the way of a prosecution. I doubt it, though. If the Democrats take the White House, and don’t underestimate their chances of blowing it, or of the Republicans chances to steal it, they will no doubt decide that we must get all this stuff behind us. No truth commissions in this country.

I will venture a prediction: Miers will never testify and she will never see the inside of a cell.

Presidential politics summarized

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